The Gulf-Iranian relationship has fluctuated for decades. Both sides had worked to maintain stability, until recent conflict reversed much of the progress. Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and Lebanon have declared Iranian envoys, military officials, ambassadors, and security attachés as ‘persona non grata’, with the UAE withdrawing its ambassador and closing its embassy in Tehran, citing violations of diplomatic norms and repeated attacks.
There’s a clear contrast between Iran’s stated ‘brotherly, antiexpansionist’ mindset and how its actions are often perceived in the region. While it emphasises that it doesn’t seek to harm Arab or Muslim countries, its strikes affected civilian infrastructure in the Gulf, which plays an important role in their economies.
Its regional influence through allied militias in Iraq and Lebanon adds further complexity. In Bahrain, Qatar, Kuwait, and the UAE, individuals have been arrested on charges of spying for the Iranian Revolutionary Guard and Hizbollah, as well as plots targeting senior officials.
Earlier, operations were primarily focused on American bases hosted in Gulf countries. Over time, however, it extended to other infrastructure, including airports, energy facilities, and even residential areas and hotels; contributing to broader regional instability.
Finally, I quote adviser to the Iranian parliament speaker Mahdi Mohammadi on X, following US president’s threats to ‘wipe out’ Iran: ‘The true state is this: it is Trump who has about 20 hours to either surrender to Iran or his allies will return to the Stone Age. We will not back down!’
Threatening to ‘wipe out’ an entire nation is indefensible.
But framing America’s allies as extensions of US foreign policy, and therefore legitimate targets, reveals a deeper flaw in Iranian politics. Alignment doesn’t erase independent interests.
Ultimately, Gulf states prioritise stability; despite tensions, peace remains essential to safeguard shared economic interests.
Shayma Y Seid
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