We noted in the previous article that what is happening is not a sectarian dispute or a doctrinal difference, but an organised political project aimed at reshaping Bahrain’s national identity by linking loyalty and belonging to a reference beyond the state.
This reality demands a clearer and more forthright reading of the situation, free from attempts to downplay, justify, or mask it with religious slogans that do not reflect the true nature of the project based on the idea of Wilayat Al Faqih.
This frankness has become a national necessity, as correcting the misconceptions instilled in some young minds requires direct candour—one that clearly distinguishes between natural religious affiliation and the use of religion as a transnational political tool to reshape loyalties within Arab and Gulf societies.
In this context, the remarks of Interior Minister General Shaikh Rashid bin Abdulla Al Khalifa, during his meeting with citizens set out the issue with clarity. He stressed that the theory of Wilayat Al Faqih did not remain confined to the bounds of religious authority. Rather, since the Iranian Revolution in 1979, Khomeini transformed it into a transnational political project based on the principle of loyalty and obedience to the Supreme Jurist in Iran – even when that conflicts with the interests, security and stability of one’s nation. This was done through attempts to portray absolute loyalty to Iran as a pillar of the sect, which is entirely untrue.
This perspective clearly shows that the issue is not related to the respected Shi’ite community, which has always been an integral part of Bahrain’s national fabric. Rather, it concerns a political organisation that has exploited the sect to advance external agendas by building networks of loyalty tied to the Iranian Revolutionary Guard and attempting to penetrate Gulf societies through religious, social and media institutions.
The message of Wilayat Al Faqih is not new to the region, but recent developments have more clearly exposed the scale of efforts to impose this project within Bahraini society. This has been pursued through organisations that operated covertly for years, seeking to build networks of influence across key areas of social activity. Their aim has been not only to shape public opinion, but also to exert pressure and exclusion on those who resist this ideology – including members of the Shi’ite community itself.
The Interior Minister explicitly referred to this issue when he spoke about the main organisation linked to Wilayat Al Faqih and Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). He said the group worked to collect funds, infiltrate certain institutions and platforms, and use some ma’atams (community halls) as tools for ideological mobilisation and political recruitment. It also sought to build cells and militias linked to the IRGC, in an attempt to create a parallel structure that challenges the authority of the national state.
More dangerously, these organisations did not confine themselves to political mobilisation; they also engaged in intellectual and social intimidation against opponents by branding them traitors, issuing threats, or attempting to silence dissenting voices. This underscores that the project was never purely religious, but rather a political influence effort that uses religion as a cover to pursue objectives that go beyond doctrine to calculations of regional dominance.
Anyone who examines the reality of Wilayat Al Faqih realises that the essence of this project lies in transferring loyalty from the national state to an external authority. In this way, political affiliation becomes tied to the ruling jurist in Iran rather than to the state to which the citizen belongs. Here lies the real danger: any project that abolishes the concept of the nation-state in favour of transnational loyalties becomes, by its nature, a direct threat to internal security and stability.
Since the outbreak of the Iranian Revolution in 1979, Bahrain and the Gulf states have witnessed continuous attempts of interference in their internal affairs, all linked to rhetoric centred on exporting the revolution and expanding Iranian influence in the region.
Some forces associated with the Iranian project have exploited the openness Bahrain has experienced since the reform project of His Majesty King Hamad to reorganise their ranks and expand within society, instead of genuinely engaging in the inclusive national project.
Here, the message conveyed by the Interior Minister was clear: the state will not allow any loyalty above loyalty to the nation, nor any organisation working for external agendas under any pretext.
What the minister stated – that no authority stands above that of the civil state in Bahrain – reflects the essence of the real battle: protecting the nation-state from attempts at political and ideological hijacking, and safeguarding the unity of Bahraini society with all its components.
Among the most important points raised in the meeting is that the Shi’ites of Bahrain pre-date the project of Wilayat Al Faqih itself, and had their own recognised national and Arab references before Iran attempted to export its political project to the region. Therefore, the current phase requires a cohesive national awareness, as the confrontation today is no longer only a security matter, but also a battle of awareness, thought, and identity.
In light of what has been revealed by the Iranian aggression against Bahrain and the Gulf states, Gulf unity – politically, security-wise, and intellectually – has become an urgent necessity in confronting a project that does not conceal its expansionist ambitions and seeks to exploit any gap within Arab societies to spread its influence and ideas.
In the end, the nation remains above all considerations, and Bahrain remains greater than all attempts at penetration and targeting. With the masks fall, candour and transparency remain the most effective path to preserving the unity of this nation.
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